Devadasi System in Karnataka- Part 4

 Chapter- 4

Society Purity Discourse: Colonial and Native Elite

 

            With the arrival of the British, a new era had opened in the face of Indian history. Most of the Indian society had a tremendous impact with their arrival, which can be good or bad. Like that, a section which had been affected was the temple system, in which it also affected the Devadasi system, an ancient old tradition as well. When the Britishers arrived in India, the practice was prevalent in most parts of south India, but declined in the eastern section, due to the Muslim invasion happened in the past period. With the arrival of British, the devadasis were started to be considered to be as prostitutes not as a sacred devadasi. So, in order to stop these atrocities various laws were put forward accompanied by a lot of movements and revolutionary activities, around the British provinces.

            During the early 19^th century, the major task which the British employed was that of documenting native religious practice in a manner that would bring it as close to the Brahminic textual traditions which was itself a product of the official discourse and involved the privileging of western ideals of consistency and in uniformity over variations in indigenous interpretation- and in a manner that would uphold the essential morality of the Brahminic ideal as defined by the colonial state[1]. After 1868, a famous court case, Collector of Madura vs Ramalinga, in which the case was about, whether the child adopted by the widow had the power to get the property without the husband’s authority, in which the judgement was, if any conflict arises between a custom and the text of the Smritis, which is a written source, such custom will override the text[2]. With establishment of Penal code in India in 1861, there came two issues under section 372 and 373. The first one was that, whether or not involve devadasis into the charge of prostitution, it was a heated debate, because most of the Indian society considered it as an ancient Hindu tradition and most of them were not at all interested in letting it go. This ideology was fixed in the minds of women as well as in the mind of Indians. The Indian women projected themselves as the descendants of the ancient Aryan women, hence, they considered Devadasi custom as their duty towards the God and temple and to follow it even against any odds. It is evident that the ancient women bore a weight on their shoulders and has been passed down to the new generation as well, which they accept with whole heartedly.

Judicial Hearings

1.      Monghyr Case

In September 1858, the Nizamut Adawlut was called upon to adjudicate what had already become a sensational case. The Officiating Magistrate of Monghyr, Mr. Toogood, had stumbled upon leases of two female infants to a brothel-keeper, Mussamut Amirun, for periods of between ninety and ninety-five years. He had also discovered that the leases had been registered by the Cazee of Monghyr, an officer of the colonial government[3]. Since, there were no law against the practice, the Magistrate was helpless. With the intervention of press and their reporting made huge impact in the society which made huge pressure on the government to pass new legislatures. Then secretary of state, Lord Stanley addressed the people stating that, with the introduction of new penal laws, the magistrates will have required power to put behind anyone on bars who adopt minors with the thought of using them for prostitution. The sections of penal code which prohibits adoption of children for selling them for prostitution did not have devadasis in mind at that time. The code is as follows;

“372. Whoever sells, lets to hire or otherwise disposes of any minor under the age of sixteen years with intent that such minor shall be employed or used for the purpose of prostitution or for any unlawful and immoral purpose, or knowing it is likely that such a minor will be employed or used for any such purpose, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to ten years, and shall be liable to fine[4].

373. Whoever buys, hires, or otherwise obtains possession of any minor under the age of sixteen years, with intent that such minor shall be employed or used for any such purpose, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to ten years, and shall also be liable to fine.”[5]

This law had some defect, which was it created for the purpose of stopping adoption in the name of prostitution, but in this the Devadasis could adopt the children, which was recognized by the Madras and Bombay High courts in two 1864 cases. The Bombay High Court stated that;

“Although I fully concur with the Court in its opinion against any extension of the principle and its regret that the Court should ever have given a legal status to the immoral profession of prostitution by having recognized a separate code of law for dancing girls and courtesans, I cannot but think that the adoption is recognized by the law and the right of the adopted daughter to inherit must follow from it as in other cases”[6]

At this point the court sees the traditional and customary laws of the devadasis as they respect Indian customary laws and Indian castes.

2.      Chinna Ummayi v. Tegarai Chetti

This case took place in 1876, regarding the chief priest dedicated girls to the temple without the acceptance of devadasi guild advisory body. Because to them, they were the apex body who selects the dancing girls according to their customs. Since the case did not specially dealt with devadasi adoption or inheritance, the court didn’t hear this case. The court stated that;

“The court in making the declaration prayed for would be recognizing an immoral custom…The court would also be indirectly lending its countenance to the traffic in minors for the purposes of prostitution, which the Penal Law regards as a serious offense.[7]”

Since, it wasn’t directly linked with devadasi and prostitution the court overlooked the case on the grounds of not excusing prostitution. But with the passage of time, more and more cases began to appear challenging the ground of section 372 and 373 of the Indian Penal code of 1861, related to devadasis.

3.      Queen Empress vs Basava

This case shows that a girl, who is dedicated as a Basivi, becomes incapable of contracting a marriage, which would be recognized as valid by the laws and customs of her caste; that she is at liberty and is expected to have promiscuous intercourse with men generally, and that she and any children born to her inherit in her father’s family only.[8] This custom was to curtail the freedom and rights of women, even though this system sustained till 1947.

After this case, we could see that the reformists tried their best to abolish this ancient system. This case shows the shift in matter of devadasi system. R W Hamilton had made commentary on the Indian Penal code of 1861 as;

“The accused dedicated his minor daughter as a Basivi [devadasi] by a form of marriage with an idol. A Basivi is incapable of contracting a lawful marriage and ordinarily practices promiscuous intercourse with men. – Held that the accused had committed an offence under this action”[9]

Social Reform among the Muslim women

            Most historians wrote history from the perspective of hindu society. So, the true issues of muslim women were that, they were not mentioned in any part of history which mentions about their hard lifes. Because most of the educated women during the Muslim era didn’t wrote about the women emancipation, they started to write from twenty century onwards.

            Minault suggests Muslim reform is less recognizable in the historical record because it was an indigenous process using more Islamic than western sources of inspiration. Muslim also had a long tradition of anti- Christian polemic to draw upon, whereas the British and missionaries could clearly see movements like the Arya Samaj as dynamic trends in Hinduism, similar movement among Muslims was regarded as resistance.[10]like that, a reform perspective grew among a small but articulate group of Muslims, which is the former Mughal service gentry.[11]the Muslim community began their transformation to professional middle class with the abolition of Persia as the court language in the 1830s’. the growth in education was based on Islamic ideas and western ideas. Maintaining cultural continuity with their noble past, ‘their identity as ‘sharif’ signifies descent from foreign Muslim empire groups came to mean ‘nobility of character’; also, being a respectable middle class, they were ‘pious without being wasteful, educated without being pedantic, and restrained in his expression of emotion’ was a far cry from the ‘nawabi lifestyle that reformers particularly disparaged’.[12]

            Muslim women’s education had a break now and then, but with the new educational policies that structure began to change. During the late 19^th century, the new educational structure made the boys who attend the school had to share their religious education with their sisters. Without necessarily taking this prejudicial action into account, the familiar reform discussion in which women symbolize their community’s decline began among Muslim reformers with Sir Sayyid Ahmad Kahan.[13]

             The reform which include religious elements also, devalued the courtesans in the Mughal culture, it did not prevent the Mughal gentry, facing the loss of political power, from belittling their women and their backward ‘women’s ritual’, for they symbolized the perilous cultural and historical viability of Muslim in India.[14]but in time, eventually during the twenty century, with the hard work of the reformers they argued that, women’s deterioration was not part of any religion but with the cultural context only, with this they were finally able to get access to education and got a voice in the society.

            Since Devadasis were primary ‘milking cows’ drawing patronage in many forms including land donations to the temple, ‘it’s suited men to stay in the ground’[15] when men could lead a household life, the women who dedicated to the devadasi system had to dedicate themselves to the god, through a marriage like ceremony. The marriage to a man was not legally accepted till 1947. As devadasi status decreased, however, the men’s humiliation increased, Srinivasan concludes;

‘The aggressive anti- Brahmanism and anti-ritualism of the Backward Classes Movement of the South provided the men of the devadasi group with a power-mill ideology with which to overcome the humiliation of the anti-nautch campaign and fight for dominance both within the household and wider political society’[16]

Colonial Law and Devadasi

Since, the beginning of 19^th century, the Britishers were trying various methods to study about India. As David Ludden suggested, they disseminated this information as empirical data and factualized statements in Parliamentary debates.[17] In the parliamentary sections they presented the ideas passed it as objective knowledge. Despite the allegations of the knowledge being ‘objective’, the British used this knowledge to confirm and construct their own ideas of Indian society, after 1850, this knowledge became well established in both European ideas of India as well as in the ideas of English educated Indians.[18] This created different sections of women in society. When the British defined prostitution, they defined different classes of women such as who got respect and not. Like that, they thought that any women whom were not respected by the British administration, the section of women may not have been officially considered to be as prostitutes. Soon, defining prostitution had become a headache to the British government. The penal code of 1861, was not aiming towards the devadasis, but with the judicial interventions it became the case with devadasis.

            Prior to the revolt of 1857, the British passed resolution more directly, a perfect example for that was the abolition of sati. In this the British were strongly supported by the missionaries, Indian revolutionaries and reformists, with the aim to uphold the position of women in the society. But still most of the people did not support this, because according to them, women were emblem of culture in the society and making legislations in changing the culture means erasing of women’s right in the society. Soon, all these tensions built within religion were exploded and resulted in the revolt of 1857. After it was over, Queen Victoria assumed the power of India, and stated that;

                        “…. We disclaim alike the right and the desire to impose our convictions on any of our subjects. We declare it to be our royal will and pleasure that none be in anywise favored, none molested or disquieted, by reason of their religious faith or observances, but that all shall alike enjoy the equal and impartial protection of the law; and we do strictly charge and enjoin all those who may be in authority under us that they abstain from all interference with the religious belief or worship of any of our subjects on pain of our highest displeasure.”[19]

Through which the crown promised that, they won’t interfere in the religious customs and rights of the people and would protect it. So, from the last part of 19^th century to early 20^th century, since, the British weren’t directly participated in the religious function, legally devadasis were not affected.

The prostitution was not an easy charge to prove, because, they differed from native and British ideologies. In India, prostitution was widely seen and they did not consider it as an offence of major crime. So, it was not an easy task for the Britishers to frame them as major offence. At the initial period of British administration, the women were not of framed prostitution but adopting children for the purpose of prostitution. The Naikins also known as Bhavinis of Goa, their recruitment was hereditary. These women came from the households of the chiefs of the communities in which the system had been in existence, and they were free to choose two or three girls among her daughters to succeed her as a Bhavini and they were differed from the common prostitute only with respect to their dedication to a temple.[20].

The following excerpt from a judgement gives us the general narrative framework of official discourse, of

            “Every Naikin must needs be a harlot. She is taken as a child. She is taught lascivious arts, forbidden marriage, but wedded to a dagger by rites of corrupt significance and then at the moment of aptitude sold to some epicure in licentiousness. Her livelihood henceforth depends on her zeal and skill in her base profession. Dancing and singing are subsidiary only to simple harlotry. As the Naikin herself wanes in attractiveness, she must adopt a daughter. If nature has not provided her with one; and as a severance is strongly opposed to the class sentiment, the worn- out harlot recoups herself for the past by inflicting a like wrong on a new victim. Thus, the evil system is perpetuated from one generation to another and it may be that, as long as a course sensualism prevails amongst a wealthy class, the means of inflaming and gratifying their libidinous tastes will not be wanting.[21]

            Another factor is that, what would happen when the father of the girl is charged under the section of 372 of Indian Penal code;

            ‘In this case 1^st prisoner presented an application for the enrolment of his daughter as a dancing girl at Madura. He stated her age to be 13, and it has throughout been admitted that she is under 16. She attained puberty a month or two after her enrolment. Her father is the servant of a dancing girl, the 2^nd prisoner who has been teaching the minor dancing for some 5years. Her father and herself lived in the 2^nd prisoner’s house and after the ceremony returned there… both 1^st and 2^nd prisoners were present when the Bottu was tied and other ceremonies of the dedication performed; 3^rd prisoner as Battar of the temple was the person who actually tied Bottu, which is equivalent to the Tali of an ordinary marriage, and denotes that the Dasi is wedded to the idol. There is the usual evidence that dancing girls live by prostitution… the fact being admitted, it was not necessary to multiply witnesses on this point.[22]'

            The Judges felt that, they couldn’t turn away from this, after all in the colonial era, the major profession of devadasis was prostitution. But it was in the hands of religion they could not afford to do anything. They knew that, giving recognition to devadasi system was liking giving permission to prostitution and no court could face it. Hence, the court and judges decided to overrule this system which violated the natural reason.

Social Reforms and Devadasi system

            The first ever idea of social reform was born due to the implementation of western education. In which most the educated people in the nation, were able to comprehend the evil customs and tradition which growing inside the land. They were soon able to identify the issues and started reform movements to curb them. Along with that, the missionaries also lend their support for their crusade, because the missionaries too wanted to see the devadasi custom perish. Starting with Rajaram Mohan Roy, who pioneered the reforms, he got support from the missionaries as well. In the case of Devadasi customs, it was the same.

            The social reform movements were spearheaded by Rajaram Mohan Roy, Periyar, Muthulakshmi Reddy, S Muthiah Mudaliar, Sir. C P Ramaswami Iyer, M. Krishna Nair, C. N Annadurai, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Govind Ranade, Dhonodo Keshav Karve, and other prominent social thinkers, questioned the practice of Devadasi system and pleaded for its abolition.[23]

The issue of devadasi abolition got support from the judicial section of colonial government, because they considered the devadasi custom as immoral. As a result of this not only was there a reconstitution and restoration of the devadasi, but for the first time the ideal of the true Indian womanhood was being held out to a community of women who were till then, in colonial society, treated as marginal at best.[24]This section of women understands all the factors of the movement for the devadasi tradition.

            Devadasi system was started to get reformed from 1860s onwards from Madras, the main proponent for this was Kandukrui Veeresalingam. He not only questioned the moral values of the Devadasi customs but also social hygiene, education, religious practices and corruption in the temple administration as well. During the period, the most focused area was women emancipation and to achieve it, the most effective way was through education. For this sole purpose in mind, soon Veeresalingam started girl’s school in Dowaleswaram in 1874. The next way he saw to reform the women was through journals. In the meantime, the other reformers, such as Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Dhonodo Keshav Karve, Govind Rande and other reformers started to took up the cause of women education, infant marriage, dowry, widow remarriage etc. during this time period, the abolition of devadasi custom question became an important question, and the question was  expressed in two phases;

1.      First phase: in Telugu regions

2.      Second Phase: Tamil regions

First Phase

Social Purity Movement and Anti- Nautch Movement

            The role missionaries in curbing this issue were immense, as they grasped the corrupted nature of the Devadasi custom was the missionaries, and soon they had their fair share in the anti- nautch movement. British enchantment with the nautch continued throughout the nineteenth century, while a small contingent of missionary led- writers referred to the women as ‘prostitutes’ in the early 1820’s a myriad of British observes continued to write paeans praising their abilities throughout the first half of the nineteenth century[25]. Meanwhile, the Britishers who attended the nautches did perceive any sexual role in the women. Emma Roberts, although dismissive of the women’s talents, made no mention of any sexual role in her 1835 observations on the nautches; instead, Roberts disparagingly pronounced only that ‘the dancing is even more strange, and less interesting than the music’[26]. These two ideologies combined together and gave them a new status as prostitutes. In 1837, Mr. Lacroix of the London Missionary Society proudly described the effects of a campaign carried out against the nautches by various missionary groups:

            ‘The disgraceful exhibition of prostitutes dancing before an idol, which the wealthier natives adopted in order to attract European guests to the presence of the images, has suddenly disappeared. Nautches (dances) were exhibited the week before last, in only two houses… more than fifty of the most opulent natives, whose mansions used to be thrown open to these occasions, and thronged with European ladies and gentlemen, have this year been closed to all but the native community’[27]

Lacroix highlights that, how the nautch has declined and clearly drawing a line between the missionaries and rest of the society through this.

With the transfer of power from the hands of Indian native rulers/ princely states to the Britishers, which initiated the gradual decline of the traditional art, customs and traditions. Since the princely rulers started to receive money from the government and they did not have much influence over administration and revenue, they withdrew their support on temple and granting land to them. Because of this, most of the temple performers lost their jobs and started to migrate to the urban cities to look for jobs. Devadasi’s livelihood was depended upon the patrons, but most of them were sexual partners. With these changes, the ancient temple art became a form of art of lust.

            In the 19^th century, the Europeans were seen with venerable diseases especially with the armed forces, in which major one was the sexual carelessness. The solution was increasingly proposed by army and medical officers in the early nineteenth century was the lal bazar and Lock hospital system; lal bazar was the term most frequently used to denote the area of a cantonment bazar dedicated to regimental prostitutes.[28]The first lock hospitals were established in 1797 at Baharampur, Kanpur, Danpur and Fategarh[29]. In 1805, the medical board in Madras sanctioned further hospital and more explicit system for the policing and hospitalization of women suspected of being diseased; it was hoped that such a force would serve two primary functions: the detection of women suspected of disease, and the forced escort of such women to the lock hospital for examination and treatment; at stations such as Trichinopoly and Bangalore, where the police were supposedly more assiduous in detecting suspect women, it was reasoned that the regulatory system was markedly more successful[30] To control the venereal diseases in the armed force, the ‘Lock Hospital’ system was introduced in the cantonment towns, this became especially influential when it became necessary to justify the Indian Contagious Diseases Act, passed in 1868, to regulate prostitution in towns.[31] So, the government ordered the devadasis to undergo medical examinations as sex workers. They couldn’t leave the town without obtaining discharge certificate from the kotwal who is appointed there. As the law was made compulsory they were registered as sex workers.

With the implementation of Indian Penal code of 1861, there aroused some issues which was regarding the section of IPC 372 and 373. There are arguments which says, the charge of prostitution cannot prove easily just because the ideology differs from one nation to another. Indian culture did not saw this as a major crime, but the colonial government saw it as a violent behavior and consider it as prostitution.    

            Around the same time, the Purity movement (1880) had come in force in Andhra and Madras by Ragupati Venkatarathnam Naidu. In India, it was popularized by the missionaries because they viewed the Devadasis as prostitutes. Even though most of the dancing girls weren’t prostitutes, but they were treated as one. Thus, wanted for the abolition of nautch girls, in Indian society. The Purity movement in America and England had provided a mass momentum to Indian social purity movement. Its chief objective was the prevention of self-indulgence sexual life with alcohol, also prostitution was also been referred as corruption and moral degradation. At first it involved in the middle- class section only, soon it got it affects to the lower sections of the society. Since it reached to the working and lower class, it got support from the various sections of the society, including women came forward and organised a large number of women rescue committees.

During the mid- nineteenth century this ideal had been spread around the world, and wanted the world to change according to western world conditions and beliefs of Christianity and wanted scientific, historic elements in it as well. The emergence of science, opposed the hindu ideologies and their astronomical entities, which usually used to denote the Hindu divine entities. These ideological differences came from west to India mainly through the Christian missionaries and radicalism in every matter of the country. They wanted to break the belief systems which the hindu community holds, for which they got help from the educated sections of the society. 

The irony is that, while attacking the superstitious beliefs and idolatry, according to the protestant critiques, their arguments were similar to the arguments put up by the European catholic church persons when they questioned about their corruption and irregular activities. For Venkitaratnam, his ideas formulated in the thoughts which have tremendous influences of Protestantism. For him, social purity was;

‘Chastity in body and chastity in mind- stern uncompromising repugnance to whatever is base and vulgar, indecent or immodest in study or pleasure, speech or song, faith or sentiment, thought or life- stout, unrelenting opposition…. to every habit or custom, regulation or institution that defeats or tends to defeat the high purpose of human life by gliding shame with fashion, or condones carnal longing as venial. On the other hand, it honors the life that never deviates into guilty pleasure, and counts him a hero who always keeps the citadel of his senses. It upholds the law that vindicates morality, and espouses the custom that conforms to righteousness…. It welcomes the song that softens the savage in man…. and lives by the faith that adore the All Holy.’[32]

Superstition and blind adherence to custom, for Venkataratnam, were just ‘outer abasements’ which once removed would reveal the ‘native grandeur’ of the nation.[33]but these couldn’t stand in the context of social reform movements. For that, they need to find someone from within the textual traditions. The Mahabharat describes wife as; ‘the friend in solitude, the father in duty, the mother in distress and the refuge in wilderness’[34]. This redefinition was important for the devadasi abolition movement. The supporters of hindu beliefs were looked upon the textual references, meanwhile, the non- believers majorly reformists who involved in the movement in Madras, looked upon the western ideas and the idea of marriage and relationship which was based upon mutual love and respect. The completion of social purity movement completed with the anti- nautch movement. It was recognized that, India was the only nation in which immorality was practiced as a ‘hereditary and acknowledged profession, living in peace and amity with and amidst other avocations, fortified against attacks of time and change and endowed with the privileges of social sanction.’[35]Venkataratnam also put two ways in which for the regeneration of the devadasi system which would lead to the healthy moral rise, the two ways were;

1.      Allotment of temple- service for sacred purposes to anyone with a ‘proven record of Chasity’

2.      Education and improvement of the male members of the community who were ‘mostly drones or parasites’[36]

This way caste, chartered to a vicious life, will cease to be; and though some poor sheep may deplorably go astray not a few of the daughters now deliberately prodigal will be restored to the longing bosom of the Divine mother.[37]

The anti- nautch movement was an agitation started in the late 19^th century and continued till the early 20^th century, in order to abolish the dedication of the minor girls to the temples. The movement started in Andhra and later spread to Madras as well. This movement was supported by the colonial government, missionaries and reformers of that period. the government and missionaries stated that, the devadasi system itself is immoral and won’t go with today’s culture. The government started to formulate norms and rules for helping them, but it did not see much help because the Indian culture wasn’t something they could toyed with, meanwhile, the reformers tried to rescue the devadasis from the clutches of evil.

Social Purity movement had merged with the Nautch movement in 1881 to 1910 in Madras and came to be known as Anti- Nautch movement in 1892, which was influenced by the Purity crusade going on in England. The Social purity movement was based on abolition of dancing girls, meanwhile, the anti- nautch movement was to abolish dedication of minor girls to the temples as dancing girls. Spear headed by the Christian missionaries and Indian reformers; it was a redemption for Indian society. With the Indian Contagious Diseases act, they showed how important to keep the Devadasis in check. The reformers decided to send a memorial to the officials and the first ever petition which was sent against the Devadasi was submitted by the Hindu Social Reform Association of Madras in 1893, the association was formed to battle against the devadasi custom. They pointed that, it was a ‘pernicious’ entertainment by declining to attend any function at which nautch girls were invited to perform, they also solicited the support of the excellencies in their efforts to remove this evil practice on the ground that it had no sanction of religion, nor any claim to be considered as a national institution[38]. This petition argued that the devadasi women were prostitutes and the reformers tried their best to discourage this practice. But it was not a success, since the Governor of Madras and viceroy refused to acknowledge them as prostitutes due to the suspected issues were not proven. They couldn’t properly prove that, because, the idea of prostitutes varied between Indians and Britishers. So, the only way the reformers saw was to reduce the practice was to request government to produce acts which will ban the devadasis in adopting minor girls and banning dedicating girls to the temples.

            In 1890, when Prince Albert Victor was entertained to a dance recital, there were loud protests from various quarters; among missionaries, the crusade was led by Rev. J. Murdoch who launched a series of publications on Indian social reform in which his main target were nautch girls, whom he condemned in extremely harsh terms.[39]through which the British officials were forced to withdrew themselves from attending functions which have nautch entertainments. In an exclusive pamphlet addressed to English ladies, they were advised never to attend any such gathering themselves and to use all their influence to prevent their husbands from doing so; another publication entitled Nautches- an appeal to educated Hindus highlighted the evil effects of nautches ranging from loss of money, bodily weakness and disease to injurious upon one’s character.[40]So, they wanted for the reformation of their customs and abolition of the nautch women.

From the early twentieth century, the reformers started to pressure the existing legal system. In the first phase an apt example for this was Maneckji Dadabhoy who introducing a bill in the Madras legislative Council of the Governor- General, ‘Protection of Women and Girls Bill’ in 1912, prohibiting the practice of dedication of minor girls or their removal to outside of British territory with the intention of dedicating them to idols[41]it received a wide range of support from the government as well as from people. Through this bill, the anti- nautch movement had gained momentum at last.  But the orthodox section of the Hindu section was not in support of this and protested against the bill. They requested the government that they should be permitted to adopt children for their successions. The government moved cautiously with this; hence they did not pass anything in support of anyone. Despite of the public support, the government did not take any final step towards the Devadasi system. They waited and passed it for the second round of legislative debate. In the same year 1912, on the same day Mudhalkar also proposed a Bill entitled, ‘Bill to Make better provisions for the protection of Minor females’[42], but it was soon withdrawing because most of the provisions in it was same as that of Dadabhoy’s. Hence, through the anti- nautch movement, the reformers were successful in passing bills and laws for the prohibition of devadasis and preventing dedication of minor children to the temple services.

Second Phase

Hindu Social Reform Association- 1892

            The founders of the association were radicals who split from the issue of Age of consent Bill in the Madras presidency. The major members were Subramaniya Iyer, K Subba Rao, K Natarajan and A Subba Rao. They established Hindu social reform association for the promotion of female welfare, education, marriage etc. they soon supported the Anti- nautch movement. During that time in Bombay, the dancing girls were important in every wedding function for wishing the newlyweds a good and long life as a marriage gift. But in Madras presidency, it wasn’t the like, because the men usually look down to them, and won’t interfere or attach themselves to the devadasis.

            After the conference decision Venkataratnam expressed the hope that the days were ‘wholly gone’ when the carriages of the elite were the dancing girls ‘free conveyance’ and when the wives of the fashionable were her ‘honorary maids’; but in truth, some of these wives preferred devadasis as concubines to their husbands over second wives who could make domestic life intolerable.[43] But during 1901 the appearance of devadasis in wedding decreased and in 1902 they started to disappear from the temple itself, and some accounts say that they were seen in the processions of durbars.

            Unlike the other marriage movements, this one did not shake the fundamentals of Hindu society, because anti- nautch movement was to stop the dancing not changing the temple system, the issues weren’t born within the whole hindu community. The Britishers first took an official stand for the nautch movement was in 1911, after getting tremendous petitions, signature campaigns and pressure from reformers. The deputy collector of Nellore, Rao Bahadur concluded in 1910 that;

‘The immoral customs ...are fast dying out under the wholesome influence of Western education and civilization, and educated people are now convinced that these customs have no religious sanction as was supposed in former days by the ignorant, credulous and superstitious people over whom the priestly class in all countries exercised tremendous influence’[44]

            The proclamation was headed by the Mysore Governments 1909’s resolution. Supposedly, after a delegation of educated native gentlemen visited His Excellency the Right Honorable Sir George Sydenham Clarke,

‘The highly popular and sympathetic Governor of Bombay in Council, ... issued a Proclamation with Government Resolution, No. 3866, dated 8th July 1909, Judicial Department, inviting the Co-operation of the general public and the attention of Government Officers to the law and the Bombay High Court’s recent decisions on the subject of those evil practices, in order that, the law being widely known, the people may hereafter abstain from such practices’[45]

Artal’s bold stand on the immoral and superstitious customs of Basavis

            Artal had added Dubois descriptions from his work, ‘Basavis of Peninsular India’ to explain about how the current government won’t supporting the immoral customs which prevailed in the past. Dubois, whom was a Christian missionary, working in the Madras presidency, whom had criticized about the Devadasi customs and wrote about Hindu customs and traditions, which poke attention of William Bentick. He had also distinguished between dancing girls and wives of God. Artal was able to combine a lot of documents, texts and inscription to connect with Basavis and Devadasis. In the time of reforms happen and issue relating to prostitution continues, these types of works were necessary.

            He had cited mainly two cases, which were; the first one in which he describes about a feast conducted in Tirupati, Vishnu temple. The image of Vishnu was taken into procession accompanied by Brahmins and priests, on the route, they select beautiful girls to serve the God. this was supported by the men also, because they feel so honored to be selected by the God and alliance with God, which was unimaginable for them, so they were always ready to deliver their wives and daughters to the God. After uniting with the God, they will become the wives of God. Since they were so devoted to the God, they were be called as kali- yuga- Lakshmi[46], which is Vishnu’s wife, Goddess Lakshmi, which is in all sense similar to Devadasi. With the passage of time, the urge to dedicate women to the temple became more and more intense, and eventually became sanctioned prostitution.

            The second one which he cited is that a woman tries to seek infertility to have a male- children, spends her time at the temple. They hoped that, when God is touched by their deep prayers and devotion will come and grand them their wish, which is not possible at all. For getting blessing from God and get a girl child, they are ready to dedicate their children (girls) to the temple services. Which is in a way considered as a blessing for their whole family.

            Artal concluded, the customs described in the Abbe’s work are not now in vogue, except amongst highly superstitious and orthodox people; His prima facie evidence was the allegation that ‘at one time’ an ignorant, misguided and superstitious community member among Gujarati Bhatias of Bombay, followers of Vallabhacharya, before having intercourse with his wife, offered ‘her services to the Guru-Maharajah or Vallabhacharya, an incarnation of God Krishna-for a night. Ignorant people were led to rely, for such stupid beliefs and customs, upon a distorted interpretation of the passage from the Bhagawat ...'[47].

The two English translations he provided were:

‘One should offer to the Supreme Spirit (God Krishna) one’s wives, husbands, or beloveds, and even life (Bhagawata).’

Whatsoever thou dost, whatever thou sacrificest, and whatever thou givest, and whatever austerities thou performest do them as offerings unto me, O Son of Krishna (Bhagawadgita, verse no.27, 9th Discourse)

            He was able to conclude that superstitious beliefs were there in the basavi system in one form or another. His western reference pertained to Chaldean priests of Babylon, although Artal cited ancient history to draw similarities (shared moral problem) and make comparisons (time frame for solving problem) between east and west, he suppressed making specific reference to the Maharajah Libel case in 1832.[48]

Ramamirttammal and Non- Brahmin articulation of abolition

            In the Madras presidency most of the persons who came forward for the abolition were in the non- brahmin movement. While they supported Muthulakshmi’s demand for abolition, there were very significant departures in the frameworks within which they articulated their demand, Ramamirttammal a reformed devadasi, was one of the key architects of this lobby.[49]she considered Brahminism and Aryan religion as the sole proprietors of this evil. She criticizes Brahminism by saying;

‘if Brahma is really a great God he should arrange marriages between people of the same age. How can he marry a six- year- old girl to a sixty- year- old man? even if this is possible why then is it not possible for a sixty- year- old woman to marry a six- year- old boy? Can our women not see that all this is done by brahmins to ensure their livelihood? All these people- dasis, prostitutes, priests and brahmins- need a God who will provide them with a mean of livelihood’[50]

The major question here she rises is that, even though God is the protector of the world, will he continue to watch his wives prostitute themselves? Which is a question posed to the personalities who hold pro- hindu feelings.

            She uses the devadasi system as a vital point to criticise the issue of Brahminism in Hindu religion. By looking into it, God created religion, caste differences, widowhood, prostitution which was practiced under the guise of religion. She considers Devadasi section as the perfect example for the Brahmin’s betrayal. In order to attain more power and continue their social power they impose oppressive and disgraceful rituals and enjoy ruling the society with power and money.

            The devadasi institution which Ramamirttammal represented was majorly based on hindu religion and their custom traditional family structure. According to this interpretation, the tensions within the family, between the women and their mothers and sisters- in- law, and the mandatory distance and reserve between husband and wife in a traditional marriage forced the husband into easier and more relaxed relationships with dasis; the solution to the dasi question would be reached, she felt, if the structure of marriage was loosened to accommodate a greater ease in conjugal relationship.[51] For her the ideal marriage was on the idealism of ‘ideal women-hood’.

Effect in Karnataka

            The downfall of Devadasi had begun in the first decade of 20^th century. The ruler of Mysore, Krishna Raja Wodeyar IV was a great patron of art. He tried to promote dancers and musicians by providing them with support and wealth. Meanwhile, some devadasis, who acquired wealth, tried to deviate from their path, thus losing of their status in the society. In Karnataka, the downfall started with the transfer of power from Krishna Raja Wodeyar III to the British in 1831 had an adverse impact not only on the Devadasi system but also on the society in general.[52] When the king lost his power it affected the court and hence, it adversely affected the Devadasis. In the absence of political power and competent authorities, their rise a class of feudal lords, whose role was to seek pleasure and Devadasis became their mere toys, and they gradually became prostitutes.

            But with the arrival of western education, ideas and the concept of national unity, the attitude of the masses towards polygamy and loose relationship between men and women was undergoing a change and the princely state of Mysore could not escape its impact.[53]people began to look down upon the person who had extra marital affairs and the anti- nautch movement which demoted the system of women entertaining men was also seen to be much appreciated by the society. Due to the social degradation of Devadasis, the government dispensed with the employment of the professional women on the occasion of car festival of Sri Bhoganandishwara Swamy at Nandi in February 1892.[54]during the revision of the tasdik patti of Sri Srikanteshwara Swamy temple at Nanjugud in the year 1899, the muzarai superintendent and secretary directed that the dancing girls born on the temple establishment should not be allowed to perform service in the temple, but that the allowance payable to them should be continued during their life time and that the vacancies caused by their death should not be filled up[55]. In 1909, the Government of Mysore introduced a bill to abolish the Devadasi system in its jurisdiction for that, they had appointed a committee of religious pandits and educationslists to ascertain whether the devadasi system had any religious sanction; after getting response from the religious pandits that there was no such sanction from Hindusim was in vaguem the Government of Mysore issued an order debarring devadasi from rendering any temple service in their state.[56] In the Government order of April 1909, it was observed that, whatever be the original object of the institution of Devadasis in temples, the state of immorality in which these temple servants were then found fully justified the action taken in excluding the Devadasis from every kind of service in temples.[57] The Government in 1910, had prohibited the dedication ceremony of Muzarai temples, which showed a direct relationship of dedication of women to the profession of prostitution. Since, it was followed by people for a long time, they couldn’t abandon it all at once. A petition registered no. D. 728 dated 28^th January 1909 from Tualsi, sister Hanumantha an employee in the Sri Anjaneya Swami temple at Mulbagal,[58] praying for the permission to dedicated her sister to the temple, but it was denied by the Government order as of 1910.

Devadasis and Nationalist Politics

            Even though we look the devadasi as a single entity, there are different sections among in them, like that of elite and non- elite, their opinions about the reforms have varied from one to another. A devadasi name Moovalur Ramammirtham Ammaiyar, had opined that, the devadasis were mere paws in the hands of higher authorities in the society. She had jointed the congress, later on the DK and later on to DMK. She was opposed in most of places, where ever she spoke, no one took her seriously such as reform leaders, agents of devadasi not even the devadasi community themselves. Hence, she decided to oppose against other sections, such that of Brahmanism and against British, because for her, it was much easier then to oppose Devadasi system.

During second phase of the legislative debates the major highlight was Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy whom represented the Devadasi association. She launched a massive campaign and urged women from her community to join the cause, instead of being a mother and a caring wife, she asked everyone to join this cause. She hailed from the devadasi community and was a legislator and doctor herself. In the 1920s’ she became the prominent leader for the abolition of devadasi system. Like Venkataratnam, she also believed in his ideals. Her aim was to help the women of the devadasi system from there superstitious beliefs, because she knew, if she couldn’t stop them now, it’ll be their end, like it will a big blow on all of Indian women and Indian society. 

She was the only authoritative voice for this movement. she had a splendid medical education from Britain on Medical and soon come into the politics. She also struggled for the women emancipation in the west as well, whom were on par with men. In writing to a white woman friend, she said that they should ‘view matters in the light of conscience and in individual sense of right and wrong; because fortunately they were in a position to instruct and lead people in the path of virtue.[59]

It is important here to recognise the ambivalence in the positions Muthulakshmi assumes, while on the one hand she consciously sets herself apart from the community whose cause she espouses (and in doing this she is in a sense reiterating a distinction that already exists and is based on class and political power), on the other hand she sheer range of issues she raises, some of them radically and explicitly feminist, sets her apart from the class she identifies with and people and institutions she shares political power with.[60]for the abolishment of devadasi system she clearly follows Josephine Butler, who was champion the campaign against the prostitution which existed in England. Also, she knew, if this bill was to be made into an act, the temple practice of temple dancers will disappear, and the caste belongs to it. In her view, she also knew that, those devadasis whom were opposing the bill, have the right to determine their own future and did not want to become a lovable wife and mother, because they were only become prostitutes who will be set up by their keepers. But Muthulakshmi, appealed to the government not to pay attention to the such issues.

These kinds of thinking were common during the nineteenth and twenty century, because even in west those who insisted on their right to defend prostitutes by invoking two kinds of authority relationships- ‘mothers’ and ‘sisters’; the invocation of the mother- daughter relationship, while at one level subversive of the fathers control over his daughter in a patriarchal system, was in this context also once that was hierarchical and custodial; although they were no doubt capable of articulating a radical critique of prostitution, middle class feminists in the west as well as in India were ambivalent about prostitutes and the right of women from lower classes to control their own sexuality.[61]According to Walkowitz, feminists tended to share the same feelings of anxiety over youthful female sexuality as other members of the middle class… for them as for more repressive moralists, the desire to protect young girls thinly masked coercive impulses to control their voluntary sexual responses and to impose a second code on them in keeping with the middle class view of female adolescent dependency.[62]

She introduced a bill in the Madras legislative assemble to amend the Hindu Religious endowment act of 1926, and it became an act, which came to be known as Madras Hindu Religious endowment act of 1929. The change was that section of 44A was added to section 44. This act freed devadasis from the stipulation of temple service by imposing instead a quit-rent payable to the local government, either for renting temple land or for any land revenues received by them for their inam lands[63]. It only provided the function of holding Inam lands but did not stop dedication of girls into devadasi. Hence Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy decided to introduce a new Act enacted in 1930 as “A Bill to Prevent the Dedication of Hindu Women in Temples in the Presidency of Madras.”[64] According to the Bill, dedication of Hindu girls in temples was announced illegal who, instead, could now contact valid marriages[65]. It was supported by other members of the community by sending them memorials in support of Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy.

            Even though many supported Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy, there were some who disapproved her actions as well, the act was accepted by Women Indian Association, Devadasi association of Tamil Nadu, Kalavanthalu Community of Andhra Pradesh supported their cause. Another important section was the communities from Devadasi such as Sengundars and Isai Vellalar. While they sent resolutions in their associations in support of the Devadasi Abolition Bill, they denounced devadasi as a dishonor to their community and as an obstacle to their progress as caste groups.[66]

            In Madras, the anti- abolition group which was prominent was Devadasi association which was led by Jeevaratnammal and T Doraikannummal. Other leading members of this association was Vaana Dhanmmal, Bangalore Nagarthammal and Mylapore Gowriammal, who were all hailed from the background of courtesan; thus, they were aware of the evil custom which it had. Hence, they were aware of the system, and they were perfect to reform the custom inside out. The Devadasi association came together to start collecting the people’s opinion and views to send memorials to the concerned authorities. They made impact on the Madras government, because the memorials were considered and set forth in the courts and legislative assembly. In the same time the devadasis who weren’t supporting the abolition formed into groups and formed against the bill in the Legislative assembly. They’re appeal was “We condemn Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy’s Bill. There is no connection between our ancient and noble practice of Pottukkattal and the disgraceful profession of prostitution. We appeal to the government not to enforce any law that destroys our rights.[67]”they also pleaded to the government that, not to pass the legislation and they should have to right to dedicate themselves to the God and Temple. Because it was considered to be their birth right and work for the progress of the country. They wanted not to abolish the system instead they suggested education and patronage as eradicating the prostitution associated with their community.[68]

             She met Gandhi for the first time in 1921 at a meeting held in Tanjore, while Gandhi was travelling around Tamil Nadu asking for support from the people in support of Congress’s boycott movement before the Bardoli resolution. Getting inspired from Gandhi, she believed that one day she could make the devadasis to believe, they could change their path, hence she joined Gandhi’s cause as a non- cooperation head in the villages. In several years they were successful in reforms including devadasi marriages. She supported Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy’s campaign against the devadasi customs but she didn’t join the Women’s India Association. In congress she allied mainly with Periyar Ramaswamy Naicker, V Naidu and other reformers of that era. But the congress could not make any tremendous change in the matter of devadasis. Sooner, Ammaiyar became a writer to support the women’s concern and a writer for devadasis dilemma.

            The saddening matter is that in 1921, the local congress members avoided the devadasis and prostitutes and drove them away from the party meetings and their agitation. For this Gandhi felt deeply sadden. Gandhi’s serious conversation with Ammaiyar and other devadasis greatly influence him.

“And, as 1 was talking to them and understanding the hidden meaning of this thing, my whole soul rose against the system in its entirety. In calling them Devadasis we insult God Himself under the sacred name of religion; and we commit a double crime in that we use these sisters of ours to serve our lust and take, in the same breath, foul as it is, the name of God. To think that there should be a class of people given to this kind of immoral service and that there is another class of people in this country who perpetuate the continuance of such a system, makes one despair of life itself. And I assure you that, as I was talking to them, there was no evil in their eyes and that they were capable of as fine perceptions and as pure feelings as any other woman in the world. What difference can there be between them and our own blood- sisters? And if we will not allow our own blood-sisters for such immoral uses, how dare we then use these women for such purposes? Let the Hindus, who are connected in any way with this evil, purge themselves of it. The existence of such an evil in our society saps its foundations.”[69]

            Despite his grief Gandhi was determined to call by the ‘correct name,’ ‘devadasis- a euphemism for the prostitutes’, by correctly naming devadasis according to their wrongful practice, so that wrong- doers would know their wrong- doings, Gandhi employed towards devadasis Ambedkar’s strategy for naming untouchables.[70] And when the time comes, he gave an apt name for the devadasi. Gandhi met Devadasis in Andhra Pradesh who expressed their desire to join the Indian National Congress; Gandhi urged them to give up sex work and start spinning the charkha instead.[71]

            Gandhi blamed man for this growth of social evil and his final social was the eradication of this evil. They led a life equal to that of Harijans. Gandhi recommended that, ‘one thing we can do is to bring discredit on this profession and destroy the air of respectability which it now has. We must rob it of every vestige of respectability. That we shall do by mercilessly condemning the custom’[72]

            He wants to make a distinction between condemning a custom and job and putting all into the face of devadasis. For that, he advocated census to be held, through which they could find suitable job for the devadasi community, and the custom to be discouraged. He also knew that, by spinning the charka won’t be sufficient to give a good income to the devadasis, but some handicraft industries could, he believed which will be enough to lead a life for them. He envisioned this would be happening.

            Devadasis current status of disgrace made them not dependable in the politics. But still members of devadasi community from Coimbatore and Madras sent a memorandum to the then law minister, C P Ramaswamy Iyer, against the passing of Devadasi abolition bill. They also high lightened other issues such as, for decades they tried to propagate Hinduism and it’s custom, the moment they pass the bill they will become jobless. In the mean- time, they recommended in punishing any women who would practice prostitution in the temple premises or temple grounds. But, Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy advocated the legislative council to dismiss the devadasi petitions.

            Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy wrote to Gandhi that, her first priority is to help women and save their honor, taking part in the swaraj and political movements will be that of second priority only. At that time even though Gandhi was involved in the Simon commission protest, he supported Muthulakshmi Reddy’s cause. Gandhi’s advised her while working for the women in the nation not always tries to adopt completely western methods. Muthulakshmi Reddy was most of the times Gandhi’s companion in his south Indian tours.

            Katherine Mayo wrote a book in 1927, ‘Mother India’ which was published in United States. In it deals with issues which is prevalent in India, the major ones are related to religion, caste and hindu customs and its atrocities. The ones whos’ suffering the most are devadasis, prostitutes and child marriages. These all matters made a fuss and internationally the issues created interest. But in India, no one accepted her book and a lot of agitation were happened in the name of this book.

            This book had tremendous effect on Indian politics, which can be seen in the support which was given by the conservative members of the Brahmin community and the Brahmin and Congress members, till then they were not bothered about their wellbeing. They thought this would be good enough to counter Katherine Mayo’s books. Muslim community used this as an opportunity to criticise the hindu community, whom criticise them for keeping their women inside of purdahs. Gandhi saw Mayo as an attacker on India’s ability to govern itself, during the time of freedom struggle. Gandhi tried to open up the errors in her work Mother India, through his Young India article. But whatever the errors she had done, her work made India to unite and helped to recognize the women issues in the society and march forwards aiming for a great nation.

            Gandhi wanted to remove the Hindu customs within themselves, because it was the sole reason for the growth of issues in Devadasi custom.            Gandhi considered himself as a follower of moral order even if it is against the laws of caste and canon law, and called himself as Sanatani Hindu. When a thing is manifestly immoral and repugnant to all reason and all sense of justice, we must not hide behind the shastras which are given to elevate us and light our path towards perfection, nor shelter under Sanskrit texts of doubtful validity and doubtful authority; when this group, like others, accused him of speaking gently to Christian and Mussalman audiences but severely to Hindus he defended himself by saying; ‘even as a skillful surgeon knowing his patient and knowing his defects ruthlessly uses his knife to cure the wound, as a reformer, claiming to be saturated at least as well as the tallest among the Hindus, it would be totally wrong if I out of false courtesy and false tenderness do not put emphasis on the defects and weaknesses which are ruining the Hindu society.’[73]

            Gandhi was able to understand the importance of clothing in the social and political reform movements, as it is the members of ABC programme of patriotism, wore the Khadi, which shows the faith and down to earth love towards their nations and its peoples. Under this programme he considered the Sita Devi as a perfect example for the embodiment of women. Whom never disrespected any persons as untouchable, and she would never abandon devadasis. So, Gandhi urged the women’s and women association in India, to take up this work, which men would never do.

As Sister Movements: Devadasi and Harijans

            Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy had noticed an issue in different class of devadasis. She informed to Gandhi that, even after her Devadasi bill was passed and made into an act, which deals with the inam- holding devadasis, there are some sections of the community that practices dedication to temple and God, under the face of religion just make a living for their own out of prostitution. This mean the trafficking of children, whom are later made into a devadasi.

            In 1934, Gandhi got letter which is from a boy from devadasi community hailed from Andhra, titled as ‘Almost like Harijans’. He explained that the harijan movement and devadasi movement are almost similar in nature and he called it as sister movement. the letter is as follows;

“I come from the devadasi community. My life was socially a torture. Gandhiji, do you think there is any profession worse than that of dancing girls in the universe? 1s it not a blot on India that prostitution should personify in a community?

Andhradesha, 1 think, is the kart of this evil. Hindu society here engages dancing girls-especially during marriages and festivals of the deity-to sing obscene songs accompanied by obscene gestures before the pious deity and set a bad example before the newly-wed couple.

The misery of a whole community consigned to a life of prostitution is great. Young men here are trying their best to root out this evil. But they badly need help and guidance. Won’t you kindly take up this matter as equally important and emergent as the harijan movement? Please have this &air always in a corner of your heart and give it publicity. You have not only the Congress, but the whole public opinion at your back. What the Brothels Bill and the I.P.C. could not do I am confident that a word from your mouth would do.

I am legally and religiously married to a girl of my own community and I am a father of two daughters. My wife is as pious in my eyes as any other Hindu wife. Still society looks down upon us. The sins of our ancestors are wreaking vengeance on us. The stigma of prostitution is attached to us, though both of us are free from the vice.

Harijans and devadasis are the only two communities which are almost in the same degree of depravity. Of course, they will have to help themselves to moral elevation. Still a teacher like you would educate them and the society more quickly than they can do it themselves. These are two sister movements. Please don’t forget the sister community in your enthusiasm for the Harijans.”[74]

The Staging in Bharatanatyam

Nautch was an entertainment common not only in South India, but throughout India, but was of only a visual appeal to most foreigners due to the native lyrics; His references to folksy Tamasha as a nautch, cannot be compared to a more classical Bharatanatyam or even a ritual temple dance, which also was categorized as Nautch by the foreign eye.[75]

The devadasis living outside the temples had grown in number, and soon they became more accessible to the society. Soon, for better living and getting better paid, they started to move away from the temple services and started to live and perform in troupes under private invitations. But in time, these private patrons were lost, and they came to street in order to start a new life and carriers whatever means necessary. These first who dedicated themselves to the temple services deviated from that (not necessarily prostitution) and rehabilitated in Avvai Home, which was established by Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy to safeguard such women and give them all a proper shelter. The conditions of the devadasis got more complex in time. The devadasis, eventually from the unprivileged sections suffered a huge decrease in number mainly because of the hygiene and poverty, they faced. Due to these frustrated conditions they had to marry or become second wives of someone who could support them. This marked the end of devadasi and their knowledge about art. From then onwards the lands owned by the devadasis were become under the patrons, the temples grew weak and could not take the land back. During the anti- nautch movement forwarded resolution under Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy, the devadasis came forward and questioned about their right of property, which has been under them since generations.

The devadasis had performed well on the temple premises and private functions. They’re dance and music was still sweet to the most of the nobles and kings who was able to feel it. According to Dacesh Soneji;

“Devadasis performed in temples, royal courts, and at private soirees of the elite classes, often held on occasions such as marriages. Each of these contexts had its own set of dance and music compositions, though there was also a natural overlap, and technique and texts could sometimes be transferred from one context to another.

The most artistically developed of dances were performed in the royal court and not in the temple.

The court or salon repertoire was variously known as chaduru or sadir (“performed before an audience”), melam (“troupe” or “band”), mejuvani (“entertainment for a host”), kaccheri (“concert”) and kelika (“play”) in nineteenth and early twentieth- century Tamilnadu and Andhra Pradesh.”[76]

Thus, any Art can propagate only in a secure environment with a higher level of consciousness, else the Society can fail to differentiate between the good and the bad, treating Art as Useless, this is what was the state of Bharatanatyam during the times of turmoil, when it had to be in a state of hibernation, within finite spaces of a home, temple or a gurukula, mostly located in villages, away from the happenings of the urban issues[77]

When the unprivileged devadasis were going to the streets the privileged families were assigned with properties by the king, but during the turmoil, there were fear whether land given were to be annexed by the government. So, they started to protest against the devadasi abolition bill and Muthulakshmi Reddy, whom were having their own identity. An example for that is Bangalore Nagaratnamma. She was from a high family usually performed in the Palaces, especially Mysore. the Kapaleeswarar temple had many devadasis performing the ancient art of natya, Gowri Ammal, one of the last devadasis[78]and a major dance performer in Mylapore. Hence, they could not be called as vulnerable devadasis, nor any of them performed Sadir, as all of them were accomplished dancers or musicians, just because it was affecting the Devadasi community, and would have affected a lot of devadasis’ livelihoods, they could have represented themselves, by taking the support of Bharatanatyam dance and music.[79]

Parallel to the anti- nautch movement, there held another movement among the Madras elite people whom were known as the ‘revivalists’ in which they wanted for the revival of the dance of devadasis separated from prostitution. Throughout the anti- nautch movement and the movement from the revivalists, both were concerned with Indian cultural heritage and identity of the nation. The arts had a tremendous effect of Indian culture, because they represent each division of the nation, and making it as a united front, like this, dance was also becoming for the national culture and heritage along with its identity, which is known to the revivalists and people from elite section of our nation, who took a major part in leading the new nation, and reviving dance and art. 

            The first ever, brahmin women who performed the nautch dance was Rukmini Devi in 1935 at the stage of Theosophical society, Madras, which has been seen as the reinvention of the devadasi dance, which was on the brink of destruction, and taken from the temple premises to the auditoriums where people gathered, and everyone could able to see it. It was a transformation from devadasi community to the eyes of whole people, and from Tamil Nadu to whole over India, eventually whole over the world. Rukmini Devi, was Brahmin women who belong to the upper- class society in Madras, she became fascinated about ballets and various dance forms of as part of her overseas travel. Furthermore, Devi was inspired by the theosophical society and involved in the Neo-Vedanta movement of the 19th century, which puts emphasis on universal concepts such as unity and Hindu spiritual practices above localized belief systems. In the years to come, Rukmini Devi established a dance institution where she taught non-hereditary dancers as well as teachers, she designed a sari-based dance costume; she systematized the dance and she gave the dance a new name: Bharatanatyam[80], it is translated as Indian dance. Not only that, she had saw it as a highly devotional and spirited practice, and its main goal was to get unity with God.

            During its developmental stage, most of the dancers from different section argued that, what was this about and finally didn’t support Bharatanatyam because it involves eroticism. The female dancing body thus continued to be central to debates on proper Indian womanhood, though not in a legal but rather in an artistic setting, as different dancers communicated and danced

Dance Legislations

            The British government introduced laws and legislation for the enhanced of Indian society. In every field they have introduced new reforms even though, some of them were cruel of the society, most of them were the abolition of the ancient old customs and traditions. But there was huge delay from the part of British government, because when they tried to intervene in religious matters, it gave a major slap to the governments face, as 1857 rebellion. After that, the government didn’t want to intervene any such kind of reforms which had religious element present. But within few decades, all these attitudes began to change, the missionaries, educated Indian wanted to curb all and any kind of blind beliefs followed by people which made uneasy in the society. Among them, the major one was the Devadasi abolition. The Government couldn’t impart laws which regarding to abolition of Devadasis at a fast phase, because they were aware of the consequences, hence they started to impart laws in a small and slow manner, with according to situation and soon enough the cause was taken up by the reformers and Devadasis whom wanted changes for themselves, hence the laws began to implement in each region and gave much importance to the devadasis lives rather than rituals.

The legal system in India was divided into three sections before 1857, which were Hindu, Christian and Muslim law. Hindu laws were mainly based on Manusmriti, their ancient text which the brahmin community interprets and follows. But after 1857, the situation has changed, when a common law was placed, in which criminal law and laws dealing with prostitution has come into power into the British control presidencies. All the matters still remained to the religious law like family issues relating on inheritance, marriage and adoption. According to Jordan Kay, between the 1860s and 1880s when the cases concerning devadasis was first brought to High Court, it was the legal status of adoption in the community, which was in focus.[81]during those time, girls from poor or high caste girls were dedicated to the temple services, unlike others, they were not permitted to marry nor adopt a children as single women, but need to give the property to the daughters, because that will eventually go the temple services. Because of these matters, they were not fit into the society when compared with other peoples. Unlike the other women from different religions (Christian and Muslim) devadasis enjoyed high economic privilege and social standards. These attracted other young girls to join in the temple services, which eventually paved way for the sex work, which they’d have to do.

            But these issues of Devadasis were not properly addressed in the legislative assembly, rather we could say that, initially the Britishers were not bothered about these matters in the first place. They thought that, women dedicated to the temple services and later dancing in the private family functions were just a part of their customs and traditions and they did not interfere in those matters. It was argued that banning adoption among devadasis, would not be the right way to eliminate the prostitution of minors, which was already banned in criminal law of 1861; rather than introducing legislation targeted specifically at the devadasi “customs”, the British led government encouraged the Indian Westernized elite to stimulate public support for social change in these communities, through social reform movements.[82]

            For the first the devadasi system was criticised was by the then formed Madras Hindu Social Reform Association in 1892. The association was part of a larger project in which reforms relating to Hindu women were instigated, which also involved the formation of an Indian feminist movement[83]. they association had arranged campaigns against most of social evils such that of devadasi practice, child marriage, sati, widow remarriage etc. which has been saw as an evil and immoral practice by the Christian missionaries. These new trends formed brought back the question of devadasi in legislature and as it later formed in anti- nautch movement majorly focusing on the issue of the devadasi custom and practice. In this anti- nautch movement, there were brahmins, non- brahmins, missionaries, British administrators, reformers everyone supported this. The anti- nautch movement wanted to stop the devadasi system because they thought it was connected most of the sex works happened behind temple. They also argued that the laws in Hinduism, which protecting them is corrupting them from attaining purest form of Hinduism. One of the arguments raised in court was that the devadasi custom was not a Hindu religious custom, even though they were dedicated to the Hindu temples, and therefore they ought not to be protected by customary law.[84]While all these reform movements were going on, the revolutionaries also made attempts to include modern vision for the nation, which is universal in nature, but this idea was not defined in hindu ideology. As part of the debate, questions were raised concerning what was to be considered “the real basis of religious life”, and the values of chastity and purity were contrasted to “persons of loose character”[85] though all of these it is assumed that, the devadasi tradition grown or developed as part of dedication, but later with time it had been corrupted. The devadasis thus became symbols of what could have been a unique Hindu temple practice, which nevertheless, some way along the line went wrong.[86]

            In 1927, Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy proposed a bill, which will illegalize the female dedication in the temples:

“This council recommends to the government to undertake legislation to put a stop to the practice of dedicating young girls or young women to Hindu temples which has generally resulted in exposing them to an immoral life”[87]

            As a reaction to this, the devadasis in order for them to be heard, founded an association which to represent their voice. They published a document in 1928, which was the first ever recorded document of the devadasis. In this proposal they argue over many factor mentioned in the bills, the important which are highlighted;

“2. Devadasis are not prostitutes […]

5. Real purpose of our caste is Religion and Service […]

9. Whole community cannot be condemned for sins of a few […]

13. Legislation increases tendency to prostitution”[88]

            These association of devadasis highlighted that; they can’t consider everyone as whom is a devadasi as a prostitute. The also emphasized that, their duty is not only towards the temples but also the society as well, and just by eliminating the devadasi system, won’t help the women whom are in the field of sex work. According to Judith Whitehead, the threat of the devadasi community not alone came from the reform movements, but also from within the community itself; the devadasis at the time had become increasingly polarized between those who were recruited to the community as sex workers and those trying to uphold its ties to dignified services[89]. A small issue in the devadasi act was that, it tries to construct a singular devadasi identity, but in reality, they were a massive group of women.

            An act was passed in 1934, in Bombay presidency which illegalized the ritual which is in connection with the devadasis to the hindu temples. Since, the devadasi custom was more prevalent in the south and eastern parts of India, the act had very little impact on Bombay region. But the real issue was held in Thanjavur, located in Madras presidency (current day Tamil Nadu) where the devadasi was large in number and major center for the devadasis. Soon in 1947 the Madras Devadasi prevention act was passed.

Madras Children Act, 1920

            ‘an act to make further provision for the custody, trial and punishment of youthful offenders and for the protection of children and young person’[90]

Through this bill, it was asked to remove children from the custody of prostitute mothers and from brothels or immoral surroundings, but the above provision did not meet the requirements; We have to educate the people not only on the evils of immorality but also should enact laws to punish those who do not heed our advice as there will always be a certain number of individuals in every country who defy even goods laws.[91]the reason for the existence of evil in the society is illiteracy and ignorance about the facts of life.

Hindu Religious Endowment Act, 1929

            The learned people from the Hind community had come forward to remove this evil custom. Muthu Lekshmi Reddy had come forward and moved a resolution in Madras Legislative council, she remarked ‘it is a piece of injustice, a great wrong, a violation of human rights, a practice highly revolting to our senses of morality and to our higher nature of countenance and to tolerate young innocent girls to be trained in the name of religion   to lead an immoral life to lead a life promiscuity, a life leading to the disuse of the mind and body”[92]. The Resolution read, “the Council recommended to undertake legislation or if that for any reason be impracticable to recommend to the Central Government to undertake legislation at a very early date to put a stop to the practice of dedicating young girls to the Hindu temples which has generally resulted in exposing them to an immoral life’[93] which was accepted by the council and adopted as an act in 1929. It was again amended in 1932. But the bill was limited to its scope and applications. She knew that, the bills and amendments aren’t comprehensive, because the decision always with the women. They most of the times took the temples service, because they were brought up in that like situations, and they lacked education. So, Muthu Lekshmi Reddy was ready to amend the act, and she wanted to power to be in the hands of the Government to prevent such these dedications and giving them free lands and such will prevent many of the Devadasis to go back to their old habits. Through which they were freed from their commitment to the temple services.

Mysore Bill for the Suppression of Traffic in Women and Children, 1932

            The major purpose of this was to protect the girls (minor) who were exposed to immorality and find the person who were responsible for this atrocious crime and punish them. This act tries to make sure the security and safety of families and girl child for now and future as well such legislations are necessary. Further it is the duty of the state to give its protection to young, innocent children and to young girls forced to lead a life of vice and shame in these brothels against their own desire and whose desperate cry for help must move even the stoniest hearts.[94]

Bombay Devadasi Protection Act, 1934

‘An act to protect Devadasis and to prevent the dedication of women to Hindu deities, idols, objects of worship temples or other religious institution exists in the (state of Bombay)’[95]

This act covered the Bombay state as it existed then. This act, made the dedication of women to the temple services illegal, whether the women gave consent or not. According to this act, marriage by a Devadasi was to be considered lawful and valid, and the children from such wedlock were to be treated as legitimate; the act also laid grounds for punitive action that could be taken against any person or persons, who were found to be involved in dedications, except the woman who was being dedicated.[96] If anyone found guilty of this, they would be charged with a fine and imprisonment or both.

Girls Protection Bill, 1934

            The Girls’ Protection Bill should be comprehensive enough to give protection to those girls whose parents or guardians abuse their parental authority by forcing or inducing them to prostitute for profit. It was well-known fact that there are castes and communities in India like the Naicks of Uttar Pradesh and of Bombay, the Kalavantulus of Andharadesa, the several Devadasi communities of South India and certain other castes in Assam and Orissa, who will number millions, who practice the heinous custom of training their girls openly with-out a sense of shame or fear to lead a life of a prostitute and the whole family live upon such earnings.[97] There are a tons of families in south India, who raise their daughters and gave training to them for prostitution, eventually known as Devadasis, whether they dedicate themselves to the temple or not. Another question is that, the people won’t suppress these customs when the young minor girls are ready to dedicate themselves, in order to look after their families aren’t being supported nor helped, in these cases it is not likely they would stop. It is the respective governments duty to protect and take care every child irrespective of caste, creed and race by providing them facilities to grow and learn, also proper facilities for their mental and physical growth as well. Therefore, the Girls‟ Protection Bill should be clear and comprehensive enough to include within its provisions all these cases of exploitation of girl children, as these communities keep on adding to their number by purchasing girls from poor parents and training them to a life of horror and shame[98].

            Women Indian Association had mentioned it’s never-ending work for the enforcement of Traffic and Women and Child act in Madras in the Madras regional conference held in 1925. The bill was passed by the Madras Legislative Council in 1930 but with the pressure from Women Indian Association it was came into force in 1932. Even though the bills were passed the government neglected to give any kind of funds to the Women Indian associations shelter homes and rescue home, where the children below 16 are being kept and transform them into a good citizen. In the meantime, the Salvation army church had also run a rescue home for women from all parts of the society, irrespective of caste or creed. So, the Women India association thought that it is necessary to start rescue homes for hindu women and children to be admitted in, who have problem being admitted in the Christian rescue homes. But a major issue they faced was the financial crisis. They lacked enough funds to run a rescue home in town and they also lacked workers to work in the homes. 

Madras Devadasi Prevention and Dedication Bill- 1938

            Muthu Lekshmi’s hard work paid off with the bill of Madras Devadasi Prevention and Dedication Bill of 1938, which was introduced in the parliament and passed and came into effect. Through this evil, the centuries old evil custom was started to perish and most of the women were freed from the temple services. Through her dedication for the putting an end to the Devadasi custom, she finally won.

Madras Devadasi Prevention Act of 1947

‘An act to prevent the dedication of women as devadasis in the Province of Madras’[99]      

In 1930, Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy of the Women’s India Association, introduced in the Madras Legislative Council a Bill for the “prevention of the dedication of women to Hindu temples in the Presidency of Madras”. The Bill, which was popularly known as the Devadasi Abolition Bill, declared the ‘pottukattu’ ceremony in the precincts of Hindu temples or any other place of worship as unlawful; gave legal sanction to the devadasis to contract marriage; and prescribed a minimum punishment of five years imprisonment for those who were found guilty of aiding and abetting the Devadasi system[100]. Gandhi had given his opinion about Prevention of dedication bill through Young India, in which he says that, the existence of devadasi system is a disgrace on our society and a major stain on Hinduism. “The degradation of one woman is the degradation of the whole manhood and womanhood of the country”; Above all it is an outrage on humanity itself to allow the training of children to a life of shame and misery and that in the name of religion[101]. In 1938 the Madras Legislative Assembly before considering the bill the congress leaders resigned from the assembly because of the second world war. Due to that, in order to compensate the legal matter, K Raman Menon put forward Immoral Traffic bill in 1928. But this act couldn’t make much differentiation between the devadasis and pimps. The shape of the Immoral traffic bill was changed with the arrival of Dr. P Subbarayan in 9^th October 1947 who introduced the Madras Devadasi prevention of Dedication bill in the Madras legislative assembly to abolish the Devadasi system. After the committee stage, the Bill finally became law on 17^th January 1948 and called as Act No. XXXI of 1947 known as the Madras Devadasi (Prevention of Dedication) Act.[102] The Act not only prohibited the practice of dedicating girls or women to idols or anything subjected to worship, but also permitted the devadasis to marry[103]. This act was the result of the anti- nautch movement and legislation to prevent devadasi custom. This act was also in operation in then Mysore state which was renamed as Karnataka in 1972.[104]

            The bill of 1947 which abolished the Devadasi custom went forward with the demand from Subraryan who is a Madras Legislative member that ‘not cut at the root of art and culture… that has come from generations past…. these things should not be killed with our jealousy for social reform’[105]. In the act, it stated as follows;

“An Act to prevent the dedication of women as devadasis in the Province of Madras:

Whereas the practice still prevails in certain parts of the Province of Madras of dedicating woman as “devadasis” to Hindu deities, idols, objects of worship, temples and other religious institutions; And Whereas such practice, however ancient and pure in its origin, lead many of the women so dedicated to a life of prostitution; And whereas it is necessary to put an end to the practice; It is hereby enacted as follows (…)

Section 3, subsection (3) Dancing by a woman, with or without khumbhahahrathy [someone ritually married to god], in the precincts of any temple or other religious institutions, or in any procession of a Hindu deity, idol or object of worship installed in such a temple or institution or at any festival or ceremony held in respect of such a deity, idol or object of worship, is hereby declared unlawful (…)

Section 4, subsection (2) Any person having attained the age of sixteen years who dances in contravention of the revisions of Section 3, subsection (3), or who abets dancing in contravention of the said provisions, shall be punishable with simple imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months, or with a fine which may extend to five hundred rupees or both” [106]

            Meanwhile some stayed away from their devadasi heritage, because they concluded that, the name itself will pollute the system and made their own caste known as Isai Vellala, referring to the king’s musicians. In this name they started teaching music and complement to the new dancers from the middle-class section. Srinivasa rightly asks;

‘if... the devadasi's dance was a sacred tradition worth preserving and if the legislation (justified though it was on the grounds of anti-prostitution) came down with a punitive hand not on prostitutes in general but on the devadasis alone-why did the devadasi need to go?’[107]

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[1]Kannabiran, Kalpana. "Judiciary, Social Reform and Debate on 'Religious Prostitution' in Colonial India." Economic and Political Weekly Vol.30 (1995): 59- 69. English. p. 59

[2] Bangladesh Journal of Legal Studies, Ramnad case, available at (Ramnad case: Clear proof of usage will outweigh the written text of the Hindu law | Bangladesh Journal of Legal Studies (bdjls.org) accessed on 19/03/2021

[3]Parker, Kunal M. "A Corporation of Superior Prostitutes' Anglo- indian Legal Conceptions of Temple Dancing Girls, 1800- 1914." Modern Asia Studies (1998): 559- 633. English. p. 586

[4] Calcutta High Court, Queen- Empress vs Sukee Raur and Ors; available at (Queen-Empress vs Sukee Raur And Ors. on 26 August, 1893 (indiankanoon.org) accessed on 20/03/2021

[5] Central Government Act, Section 373 in the Indian Penal Code, available at Section 373 in The Indian Penal Code (indiankanoon.org) accessed on 20/03/2021

[6]West, Mr. Justice. "Mathura Naikin, Plaintiff, v. Esu Naikin and Others." Bombay Series, Original Civil. 22, 24, 25 June 1880. English. p. 305

[7]Hackney, Arya R. "The Question of Agency and Conjugal Norms for the Devadasi." (n.d.): 1- 60. English. p. 27

[8] Madras High court; Queen vs Basava on 17 November, 1891, available at (Queen-Empress vs Basava on 17 November, 1891 (indiankanoon.org) accessed on 20/03/2021

[9] Hackney, Arya R. Op. cit. p. 27

[10]Minault, G. "Making Invisible Women Visible: studying the History of Muslim Women." South Asia (1986): 1-13. English. p. 2

[11] Ibid. p. 2

[12] Ibid. p. 2- 3

[13] Ibid. p. 4

[14]Epp, Linda Joy (1997). Op. cit. p. 189

[15]Srinivasa, Amrit (1985).p. 1872

[16]Srinivasa, Amrit (1985).p. 1875

[17]Ludden, David. "Orientalist Empiricism: Transformations of Colonial Knowledge." Orientalism and the postcolonial predicament: perspectives on South Asia (1993): 250- 278. English. p. 264- 265

[18]Hackney, Arya R. op. cit. p. 19

[19] A History of India; Queen Victoria’s proclamation to the princes, chiefs and the People of India, available at (A History of India - Resources (routledge.com) accessed on 20/03/2021

[20] Patil, B R. op. cit. p. 380

[21] Mathura Naikin, Plaintiff vs Esu naikin and others. No. 55 of 1879. Bombay High court. 22, 24 and 25 June 1880. English. P. 370- 371

[22]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. cit. p. 60

[23] Gayathri, A N. op. cit. p. 156

[24]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. Cit. p. 63

[25] Wald, Erica. "From begums and bibis to abandoned females and idle women: sexual relationships, venereal disease and the redefinition of prostitution in early nineteenth- century India." The Indian Economic and Social History Reveiew (2009): 5- 25. English. P. 19

[26] Ibid. p. 19

[27] Ibid. p. 19-20

[28] Ibid. p. 13

[29] Ibid. p. 13

[30] Ibid. p. 14& 15

[31]Angaleswari, S. "The Anti- Nautch Agitation in Madras Presidency." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities (2018): 58- 61. English. p. 59

[32] Raghupati, Venkataratnam. “Social Purity and the Anti- Nautch Movement.” Indian Social Reform (1901). English. p. 260

[33] Ibid. p. 264

[34]Thirumali, Inukonda. Marriage, Love and Caste: Perceptions on Telugu Women during the Colonial Period. New Delhi: Promilla & Co., Publishers, 2005. English. p.105

[35] Raghupati, Venkataratnam. Op. cit. p. 272

[36] Raghupati, Venkataratnam. Op. cit. p. 279

[37] Raghupati, Venkataratnam. Op. cit. p. 279

[38] Nevile, Pran. Nautch Girls of India: Dancers Singers Playmates. New Delhi: Ravi Kumar Publisher, 1996. English. P. 168

[39] Ibid. p. 164- 165

[40] Ibid. p. 165

[41] Singh, Nagendra Kumar. Divine Prostitution. New Delhi: A P H Publishing Corporation, 1997. English. P. 234

[42] Ibid. p. 234

[43]Epp, Linda Joy. Violating the Sacred? The Social Reform of Devadasis among Dalits in Karnataka, India. New York, 1997. English. p. 182

[44]Oddie, G. "The Early Marriage Question and the Anti-Nautch Movernent, 1876-1900." Social Protest in India: British Protestant Missionaries and Social Reforms, 1850- 1900. Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1979 p. 124

[45] Ibid. p. 124

[46] Hackney, Arya R. Op. cit. p. 9;  Lakshmi is the goddess of prosperity while the Kali Yuga is the present age in Hindusim often described as the most corrupt age of the four ages. The name of the age is not to be considered associated with the goddess, Kali

[47] Artal, R C, 1910. ‘Basavis of Peninsular India, ‘Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, 94-125. P. 106

[48]Epp, Linda Joy (1997). Op. cit. p. 186

[49]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. Cit. p. 66

[50]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. Cit. p. 66

[51]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. Cit. p. 66

[52] Sudhamani, B. V. "The Institution of Devadasis- A study in the Princely state of Mysore (1610- 1910)." Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1999, Vol. 60, Diamond Jubilee (1999): 667- 674. English. P. 672

[53] Ibid. p. 672

[54] Ibid. p. 672

[55] Ibid. p. 672

[56] Venkatraman, Dr. V. Immoral Traffic- Prostitution: Indian Press on the abolition of Devadasi System in the Madras Presidency, 1927- 1949. 14 April 2018. English. P. 2- 3

[57] Sudhamani, B. V. op. cit. p. 672

[58] Sudhamani, B. V. op. cit. p. 672

[59]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. cit. p. 65

[60]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. cit. p. 65

[61]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. cit. p. 65

[62]Kannabiran, Kalpana. Op. cit. p. 65

[63]Government Order, Revenue Department No. 373 (1930). MMNL, New Delhi

[64] Ibid

[65] Madras, Government of. Proceedings of the Madras Legislative Council. Madras, 1920. English. p. 498

[66] Fort St. George Gazette, Government of Madras, Madras, 1930. P. 191

[67]Angaleswari, S. op. cit. p. 61

[68]Angaleswari, S. op. cit. p. 61

[69]Epp, Linda Joy (1997). Op. cit. p. 193- 194

[70]Epp, Linda Joy (1997). Op. cit. p. 194

[71]Tawaifs: The unsung heroes of India’s freedom struggle; Scroll.in available at (https://scroll.in/magazine/921715/how-history-erased-the-contribution-of-tawaifs-to-indias-freedom-struggle), accessed on 31/07/2021

[72]Epp, Linda Joy (1997). Op. cit. p. 194- 95

[73]Epp, Linda Joy (1997). Op. cit. p. 198

[74] Soneji, Davesh. Unfinished Gestures: Devadasis, Memory, and Modernity in South India. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2012. English. P. 135- 136

[75]Rao, Bindu S. "Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy, the Devadasis, and the events that shaped Post Colonial Bharatanatyam." International Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research Volume 9, issue 4 (2018): 774- 779. English. p. 776

[76] Accelerated motion bodies and society, 1) Devadasis in South India, available at (Accelerated Motion: Towards a New Dance Literacy in America (oberlinlibstaff.com) accessed on 22-03-2021

[77]Rao, Bindu S. op. cit. p. 777

[78] Dtnext, Mylapore culture cues, available at (Mylapore’s culture cues - DTNext.in) accessed on 22-03-2021

[79]Rao, Bindu S. op. cit. p. 777

[80]Puri, Stine Simonsen. Op.cit. p . 138

[81]Jordan, Kay Kirkpatrick. From Sacred Servant to Profane Prostitute: A History of the Changing Legal Status of the Devadasis in India, 1857-1947. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2003. English. p. 55

[82] Ibid. p. 43- 65

[83]Srinivasa, Amrit (1985). Op. cit. p. 140

[84]Jordan, Kay Kirkpatrick. Op. cit. p. 59

[85]Jordan, Kay Kirkpatrick. Op. cit. p. 83

[86]Jordan, Kay Kirkpatrick. Op. cit. p. 84

[87]Puri, Stine Simonsen. "Dancing through Laws: A History of Legal and Moral Regulation of Temple Dance in India." Naveiñ Reet: Nordic Journal of Law and Social Research (NNJLSR) (2015): 131- 148. English. p. 136

[88] Ibid. p. 136

[89]Whitehead, Judith. "Measuring Women’s Value: Continuity and Change in the Regulation of Prostitution in Madras Presidency, 1860- 1947." Of Property and Property: The Role of Gender and Class in Imperialism and Nationalism (2001): 153- 181. English. p. 168

[90] Legitquest, from Madras Children act, 1920, available at (https://www.legitquest.com/act/madras-children-act-1920/3CC5) accessed on 23/07/2021

[91]Venkatraman, Dr. V. and Dr. R Kalaivani. "Servant of God: Stri Dharma on Devadasi system in Colonial Tamil Nadu, 1925- 1936." 22 January 2021. SSRN. English. 23 March 2021. P. 8-9

[92] Latha, R. "Madras Devadasi Prevention and Dedication Bill 1938- A Study." Indian Journal of Applied Research (2015): 341- 342. English. P 341

[93] Ibid. p. 341

[94] Venkatraman, Dr. V. and Dr. R Kalaivani. Op. cit. p. 9

[95] The Bombay Devadasi Protection Act, 1934. Bombay High court. 15 October 1934. English

[96] Kalaivani, R. "Devadasi system in India and Its Legal initiatives- an analysis." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (2015): 50- 55. English. P. 53

[97] Venkatraman, Dr. V. and Dr. R Kalaivani. Op. cit. p. 10

[98] Venkatraman, Dr. V. and Dr. R Kalaivani. Op. cit.p. 10

[99] Madras Devadasi (Prevention of Dedication) act, 1947; Lawsist, available at MADRAS DEVADASIS (PREVENTION OF DEDICATION) ACT, 1947 (31 OF 1947) | Lawsisto Central Acts, accessed on 07/08/2021

[100] Harishankar, Dr. V. Bharathi and Dr. M Priyamvadh. Op. cit. p. 2

[101] Harishankar, Dr. V. Bharathi and Dr. M Priyamvadh. Op. cit. p. 9

[102] Venkatraman, Dr. V. op. cit. P. 12

[103]Angaleswari, S. op. cit. p. 61

[104] Kalaivani, R. op. cit. p. 53

[105]Epp, Linda Joy (1997). Op. cit. p. 192

[106]Puri, Stine Simonsen. Op.cit. p  137

[107]Srinivasa, Amrit (1985). Op. cit. p. 1873